Never before has the political and economic situation in Mauritania beenmore volatile and open to all possibilities than at this moment. On the heels of the latest democratic changes come uncertainty, exorbitant living and an opacity concerning the direction in which this country is going. This adds to a precarious and difficult international conjuncture: more than ever, the country resembles a malleable quantity ripe for reshaping in any way. The different colors of Mauritanian political spectrum have their special visions for the country's future.
As always, political protagonists' views diverge and accordingly, so do their priorities and orientations. Arab nationalists continue to give precedence to Islamic and Arabic issues. This huge desert wasteland in Southwestern of Africa is primarily an Arab state, their political propaganda confirms. According to their literature, the majority of this country's populations are Arabs. Both white and black Moors make up to 80 percent of the country's inhabitants. They also continue to view Mauritania in the relatively distant context of Middle-Eastern politics. This camp emphasizes the affiliation to the Arab League and the Union of Maghreb Arab states. Arabic should continue to be the official language of the country, as they say. Paramount among this cause's proponents is the Sawab Party and the Nassirst movement. The latter's marriage of convenience with movements from the extreme other side has thus far failed to create an ideological approach that could be considered the basis of true Mauritanian nationalism.
It seems even less likely that a ''mother country party'' of the Turkish or Egyptian styles could come out of this political marriage. African nationalists, however, disagree with the former hypothesis. They claim that, by and large, Mauritania is an African country. Consequently, African populations make a number tantamount if not superior to that cited by Arab nationalists. They argue that this country's geography and history prove its affiliation more to the African rather than the Arab context. Many would even go to assert that this country was invaded by Arabs who subjugated the natives and established an Arabic aristocracy and an unjust social and political system whose consequences these days are obvious. The literature of this group does not stop short of comparing the modern Mauritanian political system to apartheid-practicing South Africa.
By the same token, unofficial segregation rules in this land have existed since the three communities have cohabitated in this country without any significant reciprocal interaction, particularly at the social level.These contradictory and chauvinist views on both sides are quite familiar. They underlie much of the upheavals that Mauritania's recent history has witnessed. Because of them, this country was on the brink of civil war in 1966. They also were behind the tensions and polarization of public opinion in the 1980s which in turn culminated in the tragic events that the country experienced from 1986 to 1991.Unfortunately, the same genre of tensions and inflammatory ideologies that caused the earlier events is coming to the surface again at time when the country is experiencing real democratic changes and is trying to come to terms with its painful past. When it comes to the ways in which past wrongs can be remedied and gaps can be bridged, the political class seemsinternally divided. Adherents to the old PRDS and the new PNDD have tried by means of representative politics and elitism to bring the different communities together.
However, endemic corruption and incompetence have estranged large groups of the population and have consequently brought about the premature failure of successive attempts by parties in power to bring this country's different communities closer. Ruling elites tend, in a queer way, to represent the kaleidoscope of the nation. It is important to note that the ruling classes have been the most successful in creating the semblance of a national unity, however fictitious it was. The outcome has so far been similar to the situation created by affirmative action policies in the United States. In this sense, the project of national integration was left to the institutions to perfect. These institutions can not perfect what social processes will bring forth naturally over an extended period of time. Another remarkable attempt at political cooperation is the merger between the former AC and the APP. Alhough no consistent and feasible plan or ideology to build a brighter future has been introduced, it is successful in that it broke the polarization that politics have long suffered from. APP's alliance with remnants of the old regime or the traditional power machine, though inconsistent with the traditional party line, has helped in bringing closer two different components of the political spectrum. A more mature and far-reaching vision of the future is provided in the project of UFP party. This party's leftist leanings as well as its championing of the poor' causes seem among the most needed remedies for this country's ills. The party's program proposes institutional solutions to pressing economic and social problems. Taking into consideration the political experience in a broad spectrum of countries, many scenarios are open before Mauritania.
Countries with similar historical experiences that included slavery, segregation or colonization by a component of the state body politic against others normally follow three patterns: first, there is the South African example where a reconciliation process that guaranteed the full emancipation of the formerly down-trodden was introduced. The society managed to weather the storms of violent periods of change and no strong backlash against the formerly dominating class ensued. They were also spared political disenfranchisement and no major expropriation operation followed. Further, excluded classes started to enjoy the full benefits of citizenship, such as education, healthcare and political empowerment etc. This kind of openness always entails constitutional amendments that would accommodate these new changes. It would be very preferable if an overhaul of state institutions were built not on ethnic principles but on citizenship considerations. Citizenship should provide a real identity and affiliation rather than a larger national sense of belonging. Less appealing scenarios abound. Among the least likeable is the Zimbabwean example. Similarities of the Mauritanian and Zimbabwean contexts are considerable, and a similarly strong reaction cannot not be excluded if control spins out of the hands of moderates and centrists. In this example, former dominating classes were expropriated and disfranchised. Undesirable social and political consequences followed.
Any serious and reasonable observer of the situation would hope that Mauritania can be a positive example to the world. This example should try to involve the remedying of all past injustices borne of social and political disparities without any major backlash or antagonism. The blind, spiraling circle of violence which, once unleashed, can not be stopped, should be avoided. The overall peaceful and tolerant history of cohabitation in this country is an excellent example to drawn upon. Many also would like to emphasize the positive role Islam has been playing in bringing these communities closer, though others would argue that some of its extreme interpretations have been instrumental in deepening social disparities. They cite the fact that religion was unfortunately exploited to make the evil of slavery acceptable. Still, this affects mentalities negatively in that it helps perpetuate this phenomenon and its negative consequences.
The latest democratic changes that seem to create consensus are progressive initiatives directed towards the creation of a positive Mauritanian example. The legislation turning the practice of slavery in to a crime and the organization of a voluntary and dignified repatriation of fellow citizens are no less turns for the good. The latest governing formula that provided power-sharing mechanisms and serious economic programs that seek to emancipate disadvantaged communities' and narrow economic and social disparities are encouraging. These are things that can guarantee a serious national reconciliation, regardless of extremisms and intolerance continue to exist. What matters in this respect is that these extremists qre kept in check so that they don't derail this much cherished and much sought democratic beginning through, power-sharing and a more just redistribution of national resources.
*Professor and NGP deputy editor
Al Jazeera and agencies- April 9, 2008.
Nouakchott, Mauritania ( NEX GEN PRESS)
TRANS SAHARA UNDERGRADUATE PROGRAM
Nouakchott-March19( NEXT GEN PRESS) 
Nouakchoutt- March 19( NEXT GEN PRESS) The United States Embassy is pleased to invite qualified candidates to participate in the annual competition for The Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship Program funded by the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) of the U.S. Department of State.
Throughout 2007, riots have exploded across the globe, from peasants in Mexico protesting high corn prices, to rioters burning cars, boutiques, and looting WFP food warehouses here at home in Mauritania as recently as November. If you ask anyone in Nouakchott, in the south or the interior of the country they can confirm the steady rise of basic food items such as wheat products and rice. Burkina Faso is still reeling following the spread of food riots through three major town centres as an angry population-turned-mob protested the continuing rise in food and petrol prices. Political analysts speculate that the origins of the current and ongoing civil unrest in Pakistan is due in partly to the flare-up of food prices in recent months and their subsequent impact on popular (and unpopular) politics prior to the recent elections and ensuing violence. In every case above and many others, violence has played a major role. 
Nouakchott, March 17 (Next Gen Press)
Nouakchott-March 16 (Next Gen Press).png)
.jpg)
To give a couple facts to preface things: climate change is not afar-fetched and slow-coming notion that scientists have come up with.This is a current issue and it is a trend that has been ongoing sincethe 1800s. It has been studied by hundreds of scientists since the mid1960's and unfortunately, it is just now that it is gaininginternational attention. This is not because it hasn't been alegitimate issue until now. This is because we – as global citizens,developed and developing nations – have arrived at a point wherecurrent rates of fossil fuel consumption and greenhouse gas emissionshave driven the earth are beyond the point where we can reverse theeffects of climate change. Major droughts, violent floods, hurricanesand tsunamis, increasing food prices, failed crops, dying species anddwindling freshwater supplies and natural resources are the result.Which is unforgivable, to put it mildly. So where to go from here? Wecan only prevent future acceleration in the rate and severity ofclimate change; this is what we all need to fight for, because it isthe best option we have left and it is the only way to defend ourright to develop steadily and sustainably. It is also ourresponsibility, here in Mauritania and in developing nations to raiseour voices and ourselves heard in order to force the hand of theworld's polluters – such as the North America, Western Europe, andChina - to change drastically and to change now.